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International Critical Commentary NT International Critical
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These files are public domain.
Text Courtesy of BibleSupport.com. Used by Permission.
Bibliographical Information
Driver, S.A., Plummer, A.A., Briggs, C.A. "Commentary on Hebrews 3". International Critical Commentary NT. https://studylight.org/commentaries/eng/icc/hebrews-3.html. 1896-1924.
Driver, S.A., Plummer, A.A., Briggs, C.A. "Commentary on Hebrews 3". International Critical Commentary NT. https://studylight.org/
Whole Bible (53)New Testament (19)Individual Books (14)
Verses 1-99
1 Holy brothers (ἠγιοι = οἱ á¼Î³Î¹Î±Î¶Ïμενοι, 2:11), you who participate in a heavenly calling, look at Jesus then (ὠθεν in the light of what has just been said), at the apostle and highpriest of our confession; 2 he is âfaithfulâ to Him who appointed him. For while âMosesâ also was âfaithful in every department of God`s house,â 3 Jesus (οá½ÏοÏ, as in 10:12) has been adjudged greater glory (δÏξηÏ) than (ÏαÏά, as 1:4) Moses, inasmuch as the founder of a house enjoys greater honour (Ïιμήν, a literary synonym for δÏξην) than the house itself. 4 (Every house is founded by some one, but God is the founder of all.) 5 Besides, while âMosesâ was âfaithful in every department of God`s houseâ as an attendantâby way of witness to the coming revelationâ6 Christ is faithful as a son over God`s house.
In v. 2 ὠλῳ (om. p 13 B sah boh Cyr. Amb.) may be a gloss from v. 5. In v. 3 the emphasis on ÏÎ»ÎµÎ¯Î¿Î½Î¿Ï is better maintained by οá½ÏÎ¿Ï Î´ÏÎ¾Î·Ï (× A B C D P vt Chrys.) than by δÏÎ¾Î·Ï Î¿á½ÏÎ¿Ï (p 13 K L M 6. 33. 104. 326. 1175. 1288 vg) or by the omission of οá½ÏÎ¿Ï altogether (467 arm Basil). In v. 4 ÏάνÏα has been harmonized artificially with 1:3, 2:10 by the addition of Ïά (Cc L P Ψ 104. 326. 1175. 1128 Athan.).
For the first time the writer addresses his readers, and as�1 Thessalonians 5:27 is a later insertion), κλήÏεÏÏ á¼ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ±Î½Î¯Î¿Ï Î¼ÎÏοÏοι (6:4 etc., cp. Psalms 119:63 μÎÏοÏÎ¿Ï á¼Î³Ï εἰμι ÏάνÏÏν Ïῶν ÏÎ¿Î²Î¿Ï Î¼ÎνÏν Ïε, Ep. Arist. 207; de Mundo, 401b). In Philippians 3:14 the á¼Î½Ï κλá¿ÏÎ¹Ï is the prize conferred at the end upon Christian faith and faithfulness. Here there may be a side allusion to 2:11 �
In the description of Jesus as Ïὸν�Revelation 1:12) called Jesus Christ Ïοῦ ÏαÏÏá½¸Ï ÏάνÏÏν καὶ δεÏÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Î¸ÎµÎ¿á¿¦ Ï á¼±á½¸Ï ÎºÎ±á½¶ï¿½Hebrews 2:12). Naturally Jesus was rarely called á¼Î³Î³ÎµÎ»Î¿Ï; but it was all the easier for our author to call Jesus�
The reason why they are to look at Jesus is (v. 2) his faithfulness Ïá¿· ÏοιήÏανÏι αá½ÏÏν, where Ïοιεá¿Î½ means âto appointâ to an office (as 1 S 12:6 κÏÏÎ¹Î¿Ï á½ ÏοιήÏÎ±Ï Ïὸν ÎÏÏ Ïá¿Î½ καὶ Ïὸν á¼Î±ÏÏν, Mark 3:14 καὶ á¼ÏοίηÏεν δÏδεκα). This faithfulness puts him above Moses for two reasons. First (vv. 2b-4), because he is the founder of the House or Household of God, whereas Moses is part of the House. The text the writer has in mind is Numbers 12:7 (οá½Ï οá½ÏÏÏ á½ Î¸ÎµÏάÏÏν Î¼Î¿Ï ÎÏÏ Ïá¿Ï· á¼Î½ ὠλῳ Ïá¿· οἴκῳ Î¼Î¿Ï ÏιÏÏÏÏ á¼ÏÏιν), and the argument of v. 3, where οἶκοÏ, like our âhouse,â includes the sense of household or family,1 turns on the assumption that Moses belonged to the Î¿á¼¶ÎºÎ¿Ï in which he served so faithfully. How Jesus âfoundedâ God`s household, we are not told. But there was an Î¿á¼¶ÎºÎ¿Ï Î¸ÎµÎ¿á¿¦ before Moses, as is noted later in 11:2, 25, a line of ÏÏεÏβÏÏεÏοι who lived by faith; and their existence is naturally referred to the eternal Son. The founding of the Household is part and parcel of the creation of the Ïá½° ÏάνÏα (1:2, 3). ÎαÏαÏÎºÎµÏ Î¬Î¶ÎµÎ¹Î½ includes, of course (see 9:2, 6), the arrangement of the Î¿á¼¶ÎºÎ¿Ï (cp. Epict. i. 6. 7-10, where καÏαÏÎºÎµÏ Î¬Î¶Ï is similarly used in the argument from design). The author then adds an edifying aside, in v. 4, to explain how the Î¿á¼¶ÎºÎ¿Ï was God`s (v. 2 αá½Ïοῦ), though Jesus had specially founded it. It would ease the connexion of thought if θεÏÏ meant (as in 1:8?) âdivineâ as applied to Christ (so, e.g., Cramer, M. Stuart), or if οá½ÏÎ¿Ï could be read for θεÏÏ, as Blass actually proposes. But this is to rewrite the passage. Nor can we take αá½Ïοῦ in v. 6a as âChrist`sâ; there are not two Households, and Ïá¾¶Ï (v. 4) does not mean âeachâ (so, e.g., Reuss). Îá½Ïοῦ in vv. 2, 5; and 6a must mean âGod`s.â He as creator is ultimately responsible for the House which, under him, Jesus founded and supervises.
This was a commonplace of ancient thought. Justin, e.g., observes: ÎενάνδÏῳ Ïá¿· κÏμικῷ καὶ Ïοá¿Ï ÏαῦÏα ÏήÏαÏι Ïαá½Ïá½° ÏÏάζομεν· μείζονα Î³á½°Ï Ïὸν Î´Î·Î¼Î¹Î¿Ï Ïγὸν Ïοῦ ÏÎºÎµÏ Î±Î¶Î¿Î¼ÎÎ½Î¿Ï ï¿½Revelation 1:20). It had been remarked by Philo (De Plant. 16): á½ Ïῳ Î³á½°Ï á½ ÎºÏηÏÎ¬Î¼ÎµÎ½Î¿Ï Ïὸ κÏá¿Î¼Î± Ïοῦ κÏήμαÏοÏ�
The usual way of combining the thought of v. 4 with the context is indicated by Lactantius in proving the unity of the Father and the Son (diuin. instit. iv. 29): âWhen anyone has a son of whom he is specially fond (quem unice diligat), a son who is still in the house and under his father`s authority (in manu patris)âhe may grant him the name and power of lord (nomen domini potestatemque), yet by civil law (civili iure) the house is one, and one is called lord. So this world is one house of God, and the Son and the Father, who in harmony (unanimos) dwell in the world, are one God.â
The second (5-6a) proof of the superiority of Jesus to Moses is now introduced by καί. It rests on the term θεÏάÏÏν used of Moses in the context (as well as in Numbers 11:11, Numbers 11:12:7, Numbers 11:8 etc.; of Moses and Aaron in Wis 10:16, 18:21); θεÏάÏÏν is not the same as δοῦλοÏ, but for our author it is less than Ï á¼±ÏÏ, and he contrasts Moses as the θεÏάÏÏν á¼Î½ Ïá¿· οἴκῳ with Jesus as the Son á¼Ïá½¶ Ïὸν οἶκον, á¼Ïί used as in 10:21 (ἱεÏÎα μÎγαν á¼Ïá½¶ Ïὸν οἶκον Ïοῦ θεοῦ) and Matthew 25:21, Matthew 25:23 (á¼Ïá½¶ á½Î»Î¯Î³Î± á¿Ï ÏιÏÏÏÏ). Moses is âegregius domesticus fidei tuaeâ (Aug. Conf. xii. 23). The difficult phrase Îµá¼°Ï Ïὸ μαÏÏÏÏιον Ïῶν λαληθηÏομÎνÏν means, like 9:9, that the position of Moses was one which pointed beyond itself to a future and higher revelation; the tabernacle was a Ïκήνη Ïοῦ μαÏÏÏ ÏÎ¯Î¿Ï (Numbers 12:5) in a deep sense. This is much more likely than the idea that the faithfulness of Moses guaranteed the trustworthiness of anything he said, or even that Moses merely served to bear testimony of what God revealed from time to time (as if the writer was thinking of the words ÏÏÏμα καÏá½° ÏÏÏμα λαλήÏÏ Î±á½Ïá¿· which follow the above-quoted text in Numbers).
The writer now passes into a long appeal for loyalty, which has three movements (3:6b-19, 4:1-10, 4:11-13). The first two are connected with a homily on Psalms 95:7-11 as a divine warning against the peril of apostasy, the story of Israel after the exodus from Egypt being chosen as a solemn instance of how easy and fatal it is to forfeit privilege by practical unbelief. It is a variant upon the theme of 2:2, 3 suggested by the comparison between Moses and Jesus, but there is no comparison between Jesus and Joshua; for although the former opens up the Rest for the People of to-day, the stress of the exhortation falls upon the unbelief and disobedience of the People in the past.
6 Now we are this house of God (οá½, from the preceding αá½Ïοῦ), if we will only keep confident and proud of our hope. 7 Therefore, as the holy Spirit says:
âToday, when (á¼Î¬Î½, as in 1 John 2:28) you hear his voice,
8 harden not (μὴ ÏκληÏÏνηÏε, aor. subj. of negative entreaty) your hearts as at the Provocation,
on the day of the Temptation in the desert,
9 where (οὠ= á½ ÏÎ¿Ï as Deuteronomy 8:15) your fathers put me to the proof,
10 and for forty years felt what I could do.â
Therefore â I grew exasperated with that generation,
I said, âThey are always astray in their heartâ;
they would not learn my ways;
11 so (á½¡Ï consecutive) I swore in my anger
âthey shall never (εἰ = the emphatic negative ×× in oaths) enter my Rest.â â
12 Brothers, take care in case there is a wicked, unbelieving heart in any of you, moving you to apostatize from the living God. 13 Rather admonish one another (á½²Î±Ï ÏοÏÏ =�
16 Who heard and yet âprovokedâ him? Was it not all who left Egypt under the leadership of Moses? 17 And with whom was he exasperated for forty years? Was it not with those who sinned, whose âcorpses1 fell in the desertâ? 18 And to whom âdid he swear that they (sc. αá½ÏοÏÏ ) would never enter his Restâ? To whom but those who disobeyed �Acts 19:9)? 19 Thus (καί consecutive) we see it was owing to unbelief that they could not enter.
In v. 6 (a) οὠis altered into á½ Ï by D* M 6. 424 Lat Lucifer, Ambr. Priscillian, probably owing to the erroneous idea that the definite article (supplied by 440. 2005) would have been necessary between οὠand οἶκοÏ. (b) á¼Î¬Î½ is assimilated to the text of v. 14 by a change to á¼Î¬Î½ÏÎµÏ in ×c A C Dc K L W syrhkl Lucifer, Chrys, etc. (von Soden). (c) After á¼Î»ÏÎ¯Î´Î¿Ï the words μÎÏÏι ÏÎÎ»Î¿Ï Ï Î²ÎµÎ²Î±Î¯Î±Î½ are inserted from v. 14 by a number of MSS; the shorter, correct text is preserved in P13 B 1739 sah eth Lucifer, Ambrose.
V. 6b introduces the appeal, by a transition from 6a. When Philo claims that ÏαÏÏηÏία is the mark of intelligent religion (quis rer. div. haeres, 4, Ïοá¿Ï μὲν οá½Î½ï¿½Job 27:10 μὴ á¼Ïει Ïινὰ ÏαÏÏηÏίαν á¼Î½Î±Î½Ïίον αá½Ïοῦ). This confidence is the outcome of the Christian á¼Î»ÏÎ¯Ï (for Ïá¿Ï á¼Î»ÏÎ¯Î´Î¿Ï goes with Ïὴν ÏαÏÏηÏίαν as well as with Ïὸ καÏÏημα); here as in 4:16 and 10:19, 35; it denotes the believing man`s attitude to a God whom he knows to be trustworthy. The idea of Ïὸ καÏÏημα Ïá¿Ï á¼Î»ÏÎ¯Î´Î¿Ï is exactly that of Romans 5:2 (ÎºÎ±Ï ÏÏμεθα á¼Ïʼ á¼Î»Ïίδι Ïá¿Ï δÏÎ¾Î·Ï Ïοῦ θεοῦ), and of a saying like Psalms 5:12 (καὶ εá½ÏÏανθήÏÏÏαν á¼Ïá½¶ Ïοὶ ÏάνÏÎµÏ Î¿á¼± á¼Î»ÏίζονÏÎµÏ á¼Ïá½¶ ÏÎ).
ÎÎ¹Ï in v. 7 goes most naturally with μὴ ÏκληÏÏνηÏε (v. 8), the thought of which recurs in v. 13 as the central thread. The alternative, to take it with βλÎÏεÏε in v. 12, which turns the whole quotation into a parenthesis, seems to blunt the direct force of the admonition; it makes the parenthesis far too long, and empties the second Î´Î¹Ï of its meaning. βλÎÏεÏε is no more abrupt in v. 12 than in 12:25; it introduces a sharp, sudden warning, without any particle like οá½Î½ or δÎ, and requires no previous term like διÏ. The quotation is introduced as in 10:15 by âthe holy Spiritâ as the Speaker, a rabbinic idea of inspiration. The quotation itself is from Psalms 95:7-11 which in A runs as follows:
ÏήμεÏον á¼á½°Î½ Ïá¿Ï ÏÏνá¿Ï αá½Ïοῦ�
In vv. 9, 10, though he knew (v. 17) the correct connexion of the LXX (cp. v. 17a), he alters it here for his own purpose, taking ÏεÏÏαÏάκονÏα á¼Ïη with what precedes instead of with what follows, inserting Î´Î¹Ï (which crept into the text of R in the psalm) before ÏÏοÏÏÏθιÏα for emphasis, and altering á¼Î´Î¿ÎºÎ¯Î¼Î±Ïαν με into á¼Î½ δοκιμαÏίᾳ.5 The LXX always renders the place-names âMeribaâ and âMassaâ by generalizing moral terms, here by ÏαÏαÏικÏαÏμÏÏ and ÏειÏαÏμÏÏ, the former only here in the LXX (Aquila, 1 Samuel 15:33; Theodotion, Proverbs 17:11). The displacement of ÏεÏÏεÏάκονÏα á¼Ïη was all the more feasible as εἶδον Ïá½° á¼Ïγα Î¼Î¿Ï meant for him the experience of God`s punishing indignation. (ΤεÏÏαÏάκονÏα is better attested than ÏεÏÏεÏάκονÏα (Moulton, ii. 66) for the first century.) There is no hint that the writer was conscious of the rabbinic tradition, deduced from this psalm, that the period of messiah would last for forty years, still less that he had any idea of comparing this term with the period between the crucifixion and 70 a.d. What he really does is to manipulate the LXX text in order to bring out his idea that the entire forty years in the desert were a âday of temptation,â6 during which the People exasperated God. Hence (in v. 9) he transfers the âforty yearsâ to εἶδον Ïá½° á¼Ïγα Î¼Î¿Ï , in order to emphasize the truth that the stay of the People in the desert was one long provocation of God; for εἶδον Ïá½° á¼Ïγα Î¼Î¿Ï is not an aggravation of their offence (âthough they felt what I could do for themâ), but a reminder that all along God let them feel how he could punish them for their disobedience. Finally, their long-continued obstinacy led him to exclude them from the land of Rest. This âfinallyâ does not mean that the divine oath of exclusion was pronounced at the end of the forty years in the desert, but that as the result of God`s experience he gradually killed off (v. 17) all those who had left Egypt. This retribution was forced upon him by the conviction αá½Ïοὶ δὲ οá½Îº á¼Î³Î½ÏÏαν Ïá½°Ï á½Î´Î¿ÏÏ Î¼Î¿Ï (i.e. would not learn my laws for life, cared not to take my road).
The rabbinic interpretation of Psa_95 as messianic appears in the legend (T.B. Sanhedrim, 98a) of R. Joshua ben Levi and Elijah. When the rabbi was sent by Elijah to messiah at the gates of Rome, he asked, âLord, when comest thou?â He answered, âTo-day.â Joshua returned to Elijah, who inquired of him: â What said He to thee?â Joshua: âPeace be with thee, son of Levi.â Elijah: âThereby He has assured to thee and My father a prospect of attaining the world to come.â Joshua: âBut He has deceived me, by telling me He would come to-day.â Elijah: âNot so, what He meant was, To-day, if you will hear His voice.â The severe view of the fate of the wilderness-generation also appears in Sanh. 110b, where it is proved that the generation of the wilderness have no part in the world to come, from Numbers 14:35 and also from Psa_95 (as I swore in my anger that they should not enter into my Rest). This was rabbi Akibaâs stern reading of the text. But rabbinic opinion, as reflected in the Mishna (cp. W. Bacher, Agada der Tannaiten2, i. 135 f.), varied on the question of the fate assigned to the generation of Israelited during the forty years of wandering in the desert. While some authorities took Psalms 95:11 strictly, as if the ârestâ meant the rest after death, and these Israelites were by the divine oath excluded from the world to come, others endeavoured to minimize the text; God`s oath only referred to the incredulous spies, they argued, or it was uttered in the haste of anger and recalled. In defence of the latter milder view Psalms 50:5 was quoted, and Isaiah 35:10. Our author takes the sterner view, reproduced later by Dante (Purgatorio, xviii. 133-135), for example, who makes the Israelites an example of sloth; âthe folk for whom the sea opened were dead ere Jordan saw the heirs of promise.â He never speaks of men âtempting God,â apart from this quotation, and indeed, except in 11:17, God`s ÏειÏαÏμÏÏ or probation of men is confined to the human life of Jesus.
For Î´Î¹Ï in v. 10 Clem. Alex. (Protrept. 9) reads διʼ ο. Î ÏοÏÏÏθίζειν is a LXX term for the indignant loathing excited by some defiance of Godâs will, here by a discontented, critical attitude towards him. In v. 11 καÏάÏÎ±Ï ÏÎ¹Ï is used of Canaan as the promised land of settled peace, as only in Deuteronomy 12:9 (Î¿á½ Î³á½°Ï á¼¥ÎºÎ±Ïε â¦ Îµá¼°Ï Ïὴν καÏάÏÎ±Ï Ïιν) and 1 K 8:56 (εá½Î»Î¿Î³Î·Ïá½¸Ï ÎÏÏÎ¹Î¿Ï ÏήμεÏον, á½Ï á¼Î´Ïκεν καÏάÏÎ±Ï Ïιν Ïá¿· λαῷ αá½Ïοῦ). The mystical sense is developed in 4:3f.
The application (vv. 12f.) opens with βλÎÏεÏε (for the classical á½Ïá¾¶Ïε) μὴ⦠á¼ÏÏαι (as in Colossians 2:8 (βλÎÏεÏε μὴ ⦠á¼ÏÏαι), the reason for the future being probably âbecause the verb εἰμί has no aorist, which is the tense required,â Field, Notes on Translation of N.T., p. 38) á¼Î½ Ïινι á½Î¼á¿¶Î½âthe same concern for individuals as in 4:11, 10:25, 12:15âκαÏδία�Ezekiel 20:8 καὶ�
In v. 13 ÏαÏακαλεá¿Ïε ⦠καθʼ á¼ÎºÎ¬ÏÏην ἡμÎÏαν (cp. Test. Leviticus 9:8 ἦν καθʼ á¼ÎºÎ¬ÏÏην ἡμÎÏαν ÏÏ Î½ÎµÏίζÏν με) emphasizes the keen, constant care of the community for its members, which is one feature of the epistle. In á¼ÏÏÎ¹Ï Î¿á½ (elsewhere in NT with aorist or future), which is not a common phrase among Attic historians and orators, á¼ÏÏÎ¹Ï is a Hellenistic form of á¼ÏÏι (p13 M) used sometimes when a vowel followed. ΣήμεÏον is âGod`s instant men call yearsâ (Browning), and the paronamasia in καλεá¿Ïαι1 ⦠ÏαÏακαλεá¿Ïε led the writer to prefer καλεá¿Ïαι to a term like κηÏÏÏÏεÏαι. The period (see 4:7) is that during which God`s call and opportunity still hold out, and the same idea is expressed in á¼Î½ Ïá¿· λÎγεÏθαι ΣήμεÏον κÏλ. (v. 15). á¼Î¾ á½Î¼á¿¶Î½ is sufficiently emphatic as it stands, without being shifted forward before ÏÎ¹Ï (B D K L d e etc. harkl Theodt. Dam.) in order to contrast á½Î¼Îµá¿Ï with οἱ ÏαÏÎÏÎµÏ á½Î¼á¿¶Î½ (v. 9). As for ἡ á¼Î¼Î±ÏÏία, it is the sin of apostasy (12:4), which like all sin deceives men (Romans 7:11), in this case by persuading them that they will be better off if they allow themselves to abandon the exacting demands of God. The responsibility of their position is expressed in ἵνα μὴ ÏκληÏÏ Î½Î¸á¿, a passive with a middle meaning; men can harden themselves or let lower considerations harden them against the call of God. As Clement of Alexandria (Protrept. ix.) explains: á½Ïá¾¶Ïε Ïὴν�
In v. 14 μÎÏοÏοι Ïοῦ ΧÏιÏÏοῦ (which is not an equivalent for the Pauline á¼Î½ ΧÏιÏÏá¿·, but rather means to have a personal interest in him) answers to μÎÏοÏοι κλήÏεÏÏ á¼ÏÎ¿Ï ÏÎ±Î½Î¯Î¿Ï in v. 1 and to μεÏÏÏÎ¿Ï Ï ÏνεÏμαÏÎ¿Ï á¼Î³Î¯Î¿Ï in 6:4; γεγÏναμεν betrays the predilection of the writer for γÎγονα rather than its equivalent εἰναι. á¼Î¬Î½ÏÎµÏ an intensive particle (for á¼Î¬Î½, v. 6) Ïὴν�Ruth 1:12 á¼ÏÏιν μοι á½ÏÏÏÏαÏÎ¹Ï Ïοῦ γενηθá¿Î½Î±Î¹ με�Proverbs 11:7), with the associations of steadfast patience under trying discouragements. This psychological meaning was already current (cp. 2 Corinthians 9:4 μὴ ⦠καÏαιÏÏÏ Î½Î¸á¿¶Î¼ÎµÎ½ ἡμεá¿Ï á¼Î½ Ïá¿ á½ÏοÏÏάÏει ÏαÏÏá¿), alongside of the physical or metaphysical. What a man bases himself on, as he confronts the future, is his á½ÏÏÏÏαÏιÏ, which here in sound and even (by contrast) in thought answers to�
It is possible to regard v. 14 as a parenthesis, and connect á¼Î½ Ïá¿· λÎγεÏθαι (v. 15) closely with ÏαÏακαλεá¿Ïε or ἵνα μὴ ⦠á¼Î¼Î±ÏÏÎ¯Î±Ï (v. 13), but this is less natural; á¼Î½ Ïá¿· λÎγεÏθαι (âwhile it is said,â as in Psalms 42:4 á¼Î½ Ïá¿· λÎγεÏθαι) connects easily and aptly with καÏάÏÏÏμεν, and vv. 14, 15 thus carry on positively the thought of v. 13, viz. that the writer and his readers are still within the sound of Godâs call to his Î¿á¼¶ÎºÎ¿Ï to be ÏιÏÏÏÏ.
The pointed questions which now follow (vv. 16-18) are a favourite device of the diatribe style. ΠαÏαÏικÏαίνειν (Hesych. ÏαÏοÏγίζειν)2 in v. 16 seems to have been coined by the LXX to express ârebelliousâ with a further sense of provoking or angering God; e.g. Deuteronomy 31:27 ÏαÏαÏικÏαίνονÏÎµÏ á¼¦Ïε Ïá½° ÏÏá½¸Ï Ïὸν θεÏν (translating ×ר×), and Deuteronomy 32:16 á¼Î½ βδελÏγμαÏιν αá½Ïῶν ÏαÏεÏίκÏανάν με (translating ××¢×). The sense of âdisobeyâ recurs occasionally in the LXX psalter (e.g. 104:28, 106:11); indeed the term involves a disobedience which stirs up the divine anger against rebels, the flagrant disobedience (cp. ÏαÏαβαίνειν for ××¨× in Deuteronomy 1:43, Numbers 27:14) which rouses exasperation in God. á¼Î»Î»Ê¼, one rhetorical question being answered by another (as Luke 17:8), logically presupposes ÏινÎÏ, but ÏÎ¯Î½ÎµÏ must be read in the previous question. By writing ÏάνÏÎµÏ the writer does not stop to allow for the faithful minority, as Paul does (1 Corinthians 10:7f. ÏÎ¹Î½ÎµÏ Î±á½Ïῶν). In the grave conclusion (v. 19) διʼ�
But, the author continues (4:1f.), the promised rest is still available; it is open to faith, though only to faith (1-3). No matter how certainly all has been done upon Godâs part (3-5), and no matter how sure some human beings are to share his Rest (v. 6), it does not follow that we shall, unless we take warning by this failure of our fathers in the past and have faith in God. Such is the urgent general idea of this paragraph. But the argument is compressed; the writer complicates it by defining the divine Rest as the sabbath-rest of eternity, and also by introducing an allusion to Joshua. That is, he (a) explains Godâs καÏάÏÎ±Ï ÏÎ¹Ï in Psa_95 by the ÏαββαÏιÏμÏÏ of Genesis 2:2, and then (b) draws an inference from the fact that the psalm-promise is long subsequent to the announcement of the ÏαββαÏιÏμÏÏ. He assumes that there is only one Rest mentioned, the καÏάÏÎ±Ï ÏÎ¹Ï into which God entered when he finished the work of creation, to which οἱ ÏαÏÎÏÎµÏ á½Î¼á¿¶Î½ were called under Moses, and to which Christians are now called. They must never lose faith in it, whatever be appearances to the contrary.
B [03: δ 1] cont. 1:1-9:18: for remainder cp. cursive 293.
sah The Coptic Version of the NT in the Southern Dialect (Oxford, 1920), vol. v. pp. 1-131.
boh The Coptic Version of the NT in the Northern Dialect (Oxford, 1905), vol. iii. pp. 472-555.
Amb Ambrose.
×Ô [01: δ 2).
A [02: δ 4].
C [04: δ 3] cont. 2:4-7:26 9:15-10:24 12:16-13:25.
D [06: α 1026] cont. 1:1-13:20. Codex Claromontanus is a Graeco-Latin MS, whose Greek text is poorly* reproduced in the later (saec. ix.-x.) E = codex Sangermanensis. The Greek text of the latter (1:1-12:8) is therefore of no independent value (cp. Hort in WH, §§ 335-337); for its Latin text, as well as for that of F=codex Augiensis (saec. ix.), whose Greek text of Î Ïá½¸Ï á¼Î²ÏÎ±Î¯Î¿Ï Ï has not been preserved, see below, p. lxix.
P [025: α 3] cont. 1:1-12:8 12:11-13:25.
K [018:1:1].
L [020: α 5] cont. 1:1-13:10.
M [0121: α 1031] cont. 1:1-4:3 12:20-13:25.
6 [δ 356] cont. 1:1-9:3 10:22-13:25
33 [δ 48] Hortâs 17
104 [α 103]
326 [α 257]
1175 [α 74] cont. 1:1-3:5 6:8-13:20
1288 [α 162]
Î¨Ì [044: δ 6] cont. 1:1-8:11 9:19-13:25.
Athan Athanasius
1 Had it not been for these other references it might have been possible to take Ï. á½. ἡ. here as = âwhom we confess.â The contents of the á½Î¼Î¿Î»Î¿Î³Î¯Î± are suggested in the beliefs of 6:1f., which form the fixed principles and standards of the community, the Truth (10:26) to which assent was given at baptisra.
LXX The Old Testament in Greek according to the Septuagint Version (ed. H. B. Swete).
Philo Philonis Alexandriai Opera Quae Supersunt (recognoverunt L. Cohn et P. Wendland).
1 Our author avoids (see on 2:12) á¼ÎºÎºÎ»Î·Ïία, unlike the author of 1 Timothy 3:15 who writes á¼Î½ οἴκῳ θεοῦ, ἤÏÎ¹Ï á¼ÏÏὶν á¼ÎºÎºÎ»Î·Ïία Ïοῦ θεοῦ.
Blass F. Blass, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen Griechisch: vierte, völlig neugearbeitete Auflage, besorgt von Albert Debrunner (1913); also, Brief an die Hebräer, Text mit Angabe der Rhythmen (1903).
1 κῶλα in this sense is from Numbers 14:29, Numbers 14:32, a passage which the writer has in mind.
424 [O 12] Hortâs 67
440 [δ 260]
2005 [α 1436] cont. 1:1-7:2
W [I] cont. 1:1-3, 9-12. 2:4-7, 12-14. 3:4-6, 14-16 4:3-6, 12-14 5:5-7 6:1-3, 10-13, 20 7:1-2, 7-11, 18-20, 27-28 8:1, 7-9 9:1-4, 9-11, 16-19, 25-27 10:5-8, 16-18, 26-29, 35-38 11:6-7, 12-15, 22-24, 31-33, 38-40 12:1, 7-9, 16-18, 25-27 13:7-9, 16-18, 23-25: NT MSS in Freer Collection, The Washington MS of the Epp. of Paul (1918), pp. 294-306. Supports Alexandrian text, and is âquite free from Western readings.â
c (Codex Colbertinus: saec. xii.)
1739 [α 78]
1 ×ca adds με (so T), which has crept (needlessly, for ÏειÏάζειν may be used absolutely as in 1 Corinthians 10:9) into the text of Hebrews through ×c Dc M vg pesh harkl boh arm Apollin.
2 In some texts of Hebrews (p 13 × A B D* M 33. 424** vg Clem. Apollin.) this becomes (under the influence of the literal view of forty years?) ÏαÏÏá¿ (á¼ÎºÎµÎ¯Î½á¿ in C Dc K L P syr sah boh arm eth Eus. Cyril, Chrys.).
3 The Ionic form εἶÏα (B) has slipped into some texts of Hebrews (A D 33. 206. 489. 1288. 1518. 1836).
4 The LXX is stronger than the Hebrew; it appears to translate not the ×¢× of the MT, but ×¢×× (cp. Flashar in Zeits für alt. Wiss., 1912, 84-85).
5 á¼Î´Î¿ÎºÎ¯Î¼Î±Ïαν (με) is read in the text of Hebrews, by assimilation, in ×c Dc K L vg syr arm eth Apollin. Lucifer, Ambr, Chrys. etc. i.e. ÎÌÎÎÎÎÎÎCÎÎ was altered into ÎÎÎÎÎÎÎCá¾¹.
Moulton J. H. Moultonâs Grammar of New Testament Greek, vol. i. (2nd edition, 1906).
6 The καÏά in καÏá½° Ïὴν ἡμÎÏαν (v. 8) is temporal as in 1:10, 7:27, not âafter the manner ofâ (âsecundum,â vg).
1 The common confusion between αι and ει led to the variant καλεá¿Ïε (AC).
1 Another early error was to regard it as âour substance,â so that ἡ�
2 In Deuteronomy 32:16 it is parallel to ÏαÏοξÏνειν; cp. Flasharâs discussion in Zeitlschrift für alt. Wiss., 1912, 185 f. It does not always require an object (God).