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Bible Lexicons
Gesenius Hebrew Grammer
Part 64
The slight deviations from the ordinary inflexion are confined chiefly to the following[1]:—
1. When the guttural would stand at the beginning of a syllable with simple Šewâ, it necessarily takes a Ḥaṭeph, and almost always Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ, e.g. perfect שָֽׁחֲטוּ, imperfect יִשְׁחֲטוּ, imperative Niphʿal הִשָּֽׁחֲטוּ. In the imperative Qal, before the afformatives î and û, the original Pathaḥ is retained in the first syllable, and is followed by Ḥaṭeph-Pathaḥ, thus, זַֽעֲקִי, זֽֽעֲקוּ, &c.; in אָֽהֱבוּ the preference of the א for Seghôl (but cf. also יֽׄאחֱזוּךְ Jeremiah 13:21) has caused the change from ă to ĕ; in שִֽׁחֲדוּ Job 6:22, even ĭ remains before a hard guttural.
So in the infinitive Qal fem., e.g. אַֽהֲבָה to love, דַּֽאֲבָה to pine; and in the infinitive with a suffix לְסַֽעֲדָהּ Isaiah 9:6; the doubtful form שַֽׁחֲטָה Hosea 5:2, is better explained as infinitive Piʿēl (= שַֽׁחֲתָה).
2. Since the preference of the gutturals for the a-sound has less influence on the following than on the preceding vowel, not only is Ḥolem retained after the middle guttural in the infinitive Qal שְׁחֹט (with the fem. ending and retraction and shortening of the o רָחְצָה and רָֽחֳקָה cf. §45b), but generally also the Ṣere in the imperfect Niphʿal and Piʿēl, e.g. יִלָּחֵם he fights, יְנַחֵם he comforts, and even the more feeble Seghôl after wāw consecutive in such forms as וַיִּלָּ֫חֶם, וַתִּפָּ֫עֶם Genesis 41:8 (cf., however, וַיִּוָּעָ֫ץ 1 Kings 12:6, &c.). But in the imperative and imperfect Qal, the final syllable, through the influence of the guttural, mostly takes Pathaḥ, even in transitive verbs, e.g. שְׁהַט, יִשְׁחַט; זְעַק, יִזְעַק; בְּחַר, יִבְחַר; with suffixes (according to §60c), imperative בְּחָנֵ֫נִי, שְׁאָל֫וּנִי, imperfect יִגְאָלוּ֫הוּ.
With ō in the imperative Qal, the only instances are נְעֹל 2 Samuel 13:17; אֱחֹז Exodus 4:4, 2 Samuel 2:21, fem. אָֽחֳזִי Ruth 3:15 (with the unusual repetition of the lost ō as Ḥaṭeph-Qameṣ; 2nd plur. masc. in pause אֱחֹ֑זוּ Nehemiah 7:3; without the pause אָֽחֱזוּ Song of Solomon 2:15); סְעָד־ Judges 19:8.[2] Finally זֽׄעֲמָה for זָֽעֳמָה, Numbers 23:7, is an example of the same kind, see §63p. Just as rare are the imperfects in ō of verbs middle guttural, as יִנְהֹם, יֶֽאֱחֹז, תִּמְעֹל Leviticus 5:15, Numbers 5:27 (but וַיִּמְעַל 2 Chronicles 26:16); cf. וַתִּשְׁחֳדִי Ezekiel 16:33; תִּפְעָל־ Job 35:6. Also in the perfect Piʿēl, Pathaḥ occurs somewhat more frequently than in the strong verb, e.g. נִחַם to comfort (cf., however, כִּהֵן, כִּחֵד, כִּחֵשׁ, שִׁחֵת); but א and ע always have ē in 3rd sing.—On the infinitive with suffixes, cf. §61b.
3. In Piʿēl, Puʿal, and Hithpaʿēl, the Dageš forte being inadmissible in the middle radical, the preceding vowel, especially before ה, ה and ע, nevertheless, generally remains short, and the guttural is consequently to be regarded as, at least, virtually strengthened, cf. §22c; e.g. Piʿēl שִׂחַק, נִֽחֲלוּ Joshua 14:1, וּבִֽעַרְתִּי 1 Kings 14:10, נִהַג Exodus 10:13 (cf., however, אֵחַר Genesis 34:19; נֵהַ֫לְתָּ Exodus 15:13, but in the imperfect and participle יְנַהֵל, &c.; in verbs ל״ה, e.g. רֵעָה), infinitive שַׂחֵק, Puʿal רֻחַץ (but cf. דֹּחוּ Psalms 36:13 from דָּחָה, also the unusual position of the tone in בֹּ֫חַן[3] Ezekiel 21:18, and in the perfect Hithpaʿēl הִתְרָחַ֫צְתִּי Job 9:30); Hithpaʿēl perfect and imperative הִטַּֽהֲרוּ, &c.; in pause (see §§22c, 27q, 29v, 54k) הִטֶּהָֽרוּ Numbers 8:7, 2 Chronicles 30:18; יִתְנֶחָם Numbers 23:19, &c.
The complete omission of the strengthening, and a consequent lengthening of the preceding vowel, occurs invariably only with ר (כָּדַּת Ezekiel 16:4 is an exception; כֹּרָ֑תָה also occurs, Judges 6:28), e g. בֵּרַךְ (in pause בֵּרֵךְ), imperfect יְבָרֵךְ, Puʿal בֹּרַךְ. Before א it occurs regularly in the stems בֵּאֵר, גֵּאֵל, מֵאֵן, פֵּאֵר, and in the Hithpaʿēl of באשׁ, ראה, and שׁאה; on the other hand, א is virtually strengthened in the perfects, נִאֵף (once in the imperfect, Jeremiah 29:23) to commit adultery, נִאֵץ to despise (in the participle, Numbers 14:23, Isaiah 60:14, Jeremiah 23:17; according to Baer, but not ed. Mant., or Ginsb., even in the imperfect יְנַאֵץ Psalms 74:10), נִאֵר to abhor Lamentations 2:7 (also נֵאַ֫רְתָּה Psalms 89:40) and שִׁאֵל Psalms 109:10; moreover, in the infinitive יַאֵשׁ Ecclesiastes 2:20, according to the best reading. On the Mappîq in the Puʿal רֻאִ֫וּ Job 33:21, cf. §14d.
Rem. 1. In the verb שָׁאַל to ask, to beg, some forms of the perfect Qal appear to be based upon a secondary form middle e, which is Ṣere when the vowel of the א stands in an open syllable, cf. שְׁאֵֽלְךָ Genesis 32:18, Judges 4:20; שְׁאֵל֫וּנִי Psalms 137:3; but in a closed syllable, even without a suffix, שְׁאֶלְתֶּם 1 Samuel 12:13, 1 Samuel 25:5, Job 21:29; שְׁאִלְתִּ֫יהוּ Judges 13:6, 1 Samuel 1:20. Cf., however, similar cases of attenuation of an original ă, §69s, and especially §44d. In the first three examples, if explained on that analogy, the ĭ attenuated from ă would have been lengthened to ē (before the tone); in the next three ĭ would have been modified to ĕ. Also in the Hiphʿil-form הִשְׁאִלְתִּ֫יהוּ 1 Samuel 1:28 the אִ is merely attenuated from אַ.
2. In Piʿēl and Hithpaʿēl the lengthening of the vowel before the guttural causes the tone to be thrown back upon the penultima, and consequently the Ṣere of the ultima to be shortened to Seghôl. Thus (a) before monosyllables, according to §29e, e.g. לְשָׁ֫רֶת שָׁם to minister there, Deuteronomy 17:12, even in the case of a guttural which is virtually strengthened, Genesis 39:14, Job 8:18 (see §29g). (b) after wāw consecutive, e.g. רַיְבָ֫רֶךְ and he blessed, Genesis 1:22 and frequently, וַיְגָ֫רֶשׁ and he drove out, Exodus 10:11, וַתִּתפָּ֫עֶם Daniel 2:1. 3. The following are a few rarer anomalies; in the imperfect Qal יִֽצֲחַק Genesis 21:6 (elsewhere תִּצְחַק, &c., in pause יִצְחָק, cf. §10g (c) and §63n); וָאֵֽחַד Genesis 32:5 (for וָאֶֽאֱחַד); in the perfect Piʿēl אֶֽחֱרוּ Judges 5:28 (perhaps primarily for אִֽחֲרוּ; according to Genesis 34:19 אֵֽחֲדוּ would be expected), and similarly יֶחֱֽמַ֫תְנִי Psalms 51:7 for יִחֲֽמַ֫תְנִי; in the imperative Piʿēl קָרַב Ezekiel 37:17 (cf. above, §52n); finally, in the imperative Hiphʿîl הַרְחַק Job 13:21 and הַמְעַד Psalms 69:24, in both cases probably influenced by the closing consonant, and by the preference for Pathạ in pause (according to §29q); without the pause הַרְחֵק Proverbs 4:24, &c.; but also הַנְחַת Joel 4:11.
4. As infinitive Hithpaʿēl with a suffix we find הִתְיַחְשָׂם Ezra 8:1, &c., with a firmly closed syllable, also the participle מִתְיַחְשִׂים Nehemiah 7:64; Baer, however, reads in all these cases, on good authority, הִתְיַֽהֲשָׂם &c.—The quite meaningless Kethîbh ונאשאר Ezekiel 9:8 (for which the Qerê requires the equally unintelligible וְנֵֽשֲׁאַר) evidently combines two different readings, viz. וְנִשְׁאָר (part. Niph.) and וָֽאֶשָּׁאֵר (imperf. consec.); cf. König, Lehrgebäude, i. p. 266 f.—In יְתָֽאֳרֵ֫הוּ Isaiah 44:13 (also יְתָֽאֲרֵ֫הוּ in the same verse) an imperfect Pôʿēl appears to be intended by the Masora with an irregular shortening of the ô for יְתֹֽאֲר׳; cf. §55b מְלָשְׁנִי Psalms 101:5 Qerê; on the other hand Qimḥi, with whom Delitzsch agrees, explains the form as Piʿēl, with an irregular ־ֳ for ־ֲ, as in the reading אֲלַקֳּטָה Ruth 2:27; cf. §10h.
5. A few examples in which א, as middle radical, entirely loses its consonantal value and quiesces in a vowel, will be found in §73g.
- ↑ Hophʿal, which is not exhibited in the paradigm, follows the analogy of Qal; Hiphʿîl is regular.
- ↑ Also Judges 19:5 (where Qimḥi would read seʿād), read seʿŏd, and on the use of the conjunctive accent (here Darga) as a substitute for Metheg, at. §9u (c) and §16b.
- ↑ בֹּ֫חַן is explained by Abulwalîd as the 3rd pers. perfect Puʿal, but by Qimḥi as a noun.
